Dare to be different

Ajith P. Perera, Chief Organiser, Bandaragama, UNP – අධිනීතිඥ අජිත් පී. පෙරේරා, ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායක, බණ්ඩාරගම, එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය

Posts Tagged ‘SLFP’

චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනිය ඇත්තටම මී ගවයන් බිලිදුන්නාද?

Posted by Ajith on September 27, 2009

1231_E38චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායක කුමාරතුංග හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනියගේ පියා වූ හිටපු අගමැති එස්. ඩබ්ලිව්. ආර්. ඩී බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතා ඝාතනය කොට පනස් වසක් පිරුණේ ඊයේටයි. මේ සමරු උත්සවයටවත් එතුමන් නිර්මාණය කළ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ නායකයා හෝ අඩු තරමින් ලේකම්වත් සහභාගි නොවූ බව ආරංචිය. පක්ෂ නිර්මාතෘ බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතා නොසළකා හරින වත්මන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය නියෝජනය කළේ කිසිම අලෙවියක් නැති අලෙවි මවුලානා වැනි සොක්කන් කිහිප දෙනෙකි.

මේ අතර සති අන්ත සිංහල ඉංග්‍රීසි පුවත්පත් ගණනාවක් වාර්තාකළේ චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායක කුමාරතුංග හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනිය ඉන්දියාවේ කෝවිලකදී මී ගවයන් දෙදෙනෙකු යාගයක් සඳහා බිලි දුන් බවය. බොහෝ පුවත්පත් ඇය නම්කොට නොතිබුණ මුත් සමහර ඒවා ඇය නමින්ම හඳුන්නා දී තිබුනේය. මේ නිමල් වෙල්ගම නැමැති ව්‍යාපාරිකයා විසින් පළ කරනු ලබන දිවයින වාර්තා කළ හැටියි.

ඒ උත්තමිය ඉන්දියාවේ මේ කෝවිලට ගිහින් අපිට සාප කරලා. මටයි ගෝඨාභයටයි. අපි දෙන්න හැඳිගෑවිලා යන්න කියලයි පූජාව කරල තියෙන්නේ. අපරාදේ.. ඒකට අර අහිංසක මී ගවයෝ දෙන්නෙක්‌ ගෙන්නලා උන්ගේ බෙලි කපල තමයි මේ පූජාව කරල තියෙන්නේ. මහ මීහරක්‌ වැඩ.. ජනාධිපති මහින්ද ඒ ගැන කතා කළේ තද සිත් වේදනාවකිනි.

හික්කා බීච් ෆෙස්ටිවල් පිළිබඳව වෙන තැනකින් ගත් ඡායාරූප පළ කරමින් අමූලික බොරු ගෙතූ දිවයින මේ සිද්ධියේ ඇත්ත නැත්ත දෙවරක් සොයා බැලුවාද අපි නොදනිමු. ඔවුන් එසේ නොකළේ නම් පුදුම වන්නට දෙයක්ද නැත. නිමල් වෙල්ගමගේ දිවයින දේශපාලන වාසි තකා ඇදබාන චේතිය පච අප දන්නා නිසාය.

චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනිය ඇත්තටම මී ගවයන්  බිලිදුන්නාද?

මගේ අදහස නැත යන්නයි. ඉන්දියාව බහුතරය හින්දු බැතිමතුන් වෙසෙන රටකි. එරට ජනගහණයෙන් හින්දූන්ගේ ප්‍රතිශතය 80% කි. හින්දූහු ගවයා දේවත්වයෙන් අදහති. ඉන්දියාවේ සුළුතර මුස්ලිම් ජනතාව ගවයන් මැරීම ගැන පවා සාම්ප්‍රදායික හින්දූන් එකහෙළා විරුද්ධය. එහෙව් රටක, අහිංසා ධර්මය මත පදනම් වූ හින්දු කෝවිලක මී ගවයින් බිල්ලට දෙන්නේය කීම විහිළුවකි.

මෝඩ පාලකයෝ හැමවිටම තොරතුරු සඳහා කේලාම්කාරයන් මත විශ්වාසය තබති. මේ රජ කපටීන් ගොත ගොතා කියන්නේ තමන් ඇසීමට කැමති කතා මිස ඇත්ත නොවේයයි ඔවුන්ට කල්පනා වන්නේ නැත. තමන්ගේ සතුරන්ගේ වැරදි ගැන මේ කපටියන් කරන ඇදබාන ඕනෑම මුසාවාදයක් ඔවුන් විශ්වාස කරන්නේ ඒ සිතිවිල්ල සුවදායක නිසාය.

චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග හිටපු ජනාධිපතිනිය හැමවිටම හරි යැයි මම නොකියමි. මමද ඇය දරුණු ලෙස විවේචනය කොට ඇත්තෙමි. එහෙත් කවුරුන් ගැන වුවත් සොයා නොබලා බේගල් ඇදබෑම මාධ්‍ය සදාචාරයට හොඳ නැත. අපේ මාධ්‍යකරුවන් කඩේ යනකොට වුවද මීට වඩා ටිකක් හොයා බලා යෑම හොඳය.

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Kurakkan mama abuses G.C.E (A/L) paper for his political gains?

Posted by Ajith on August 19, 2009

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I didn’t have time to check this (so please correct me if I am wrong) but it seems the G.C.E. (A/L) Sinhala II paper (Aug 19) today had been abused for Mahinda mama’s political gains.

According to what had been posted in my Face Book page these were two questions asked in the paper.

Question 1 : “The weapons of the LTTE which were taken into the custody of the SL Armed forces, during the Humanitarian Operations which in North, shows that the LTTE had an Agenda going beyond the EELAM Dream they showed to the world.” Write an essay with your views of this.

Question 2 : “There are various views on the negative impact some of the NGO’s operating in Sri Lanka are creating on the sovereignty, peace, culture and the development of the country” Write an essay elaborating your views on this.

It is sad the education has fallen into this low level under a government that sees no value of it.

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Mangala Samaraweera : Man of the hour

Posted by Ajith on July 23, 2009

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SLFP (M) Leader Mangala Samaraweera who was asked to appear before the Criminal Investigation Department today, steps out to address the media and gathering public, after recording his statement. (Daily Mirror online 23/07/09)

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Velupillai Prabhakaran | වේලුපිල්ලේ පිරබාහරන් | வேலுப்பிள்ளை பிரபாகரன் (1954-2009)

Posted by Ajith on May 18, 2009

What happened to Velupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), or to his body shrouds in a mystery. He could have died in a mass explosion or an aide destroyed the body like Hitler’s, preventing identification. Even escaped (unlikely) he has to live the rest of his life in oblivion. Assuming the political demise of the character, therefore, is logical. He is gone forever. His ghost will no more appear in anyone’s nightmares.

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He was a terrorist, no doubt, but Prabhakaran deserves an obituary, even in a language he barely understood.

When Lanka Guardian, edited by Mervyn de Silva then, chose Prabhakaran as the ‘Man of the Decade’ in 1989, there was no dispute. He wasn’t a martyr – Osama Bin Laden too wasn’t when he was considered for TIME’s Man of the Year in 2001 – but Prabhakaran was one individual who changed the destiny of a country. Not that it would have been a Singapore, but at least it could have been a country better known for its tea, than for terrorism.

Sinhalese typically saw him as their arch enemy. (Many are eagerly waiting for the good news to start grand celebrations. It can happen any time now.) Feelings of Tamils were mixed. While some showed a passive solidarity, thousands spend hours on net eulogizing their Surya Thevan – The Sun God. “Terrorist to one” they said “…a freedom fighter to another” Only a handful of educated Tamils saw him in his true terrorist outfit. To the rest he was the typical smiling, child-kissing politician. At least few Tamil boys and girls were ready to exchange their lives for a last supper with him.

There was nothing ‘elusive’ about Prabhakaran, as political pundits liked to remind us. Had he shaved his thick moustache, spoken Sinhalese quoting religious texts and worn national dress probably with a shawl, Prabhakaran could have passed for a typical Sothern politician, with his big belly and smile. Lack of education (He was a tenth standard dropout, just like Wimal Weerawansa) might not have been treated a serious flaw. He could have easily been a minister in President Rajapakse’s jumbo cabinet. In fact, his once second in command made it.

celebrating

Little is known about Prabakaran’s early history. This is what Wikipedia says.

Velupillai Prabhakaran was born on November 26, 1954 in the northern coastal town of Velvettithurai. A Hindu by birth, he joined the student group TIP, during the standardization debates. In 1972, Prabhakaran founded an organization named Tamil New Tigers (TNT) which was a successor to many initial organizations that protested against the post colonial political direction of the country that pitted the minority Sri Lankan Tamils against the majority Sinhalese.

In 1975, after becoming heavily involved in the Tamil movement, he carried out his first political murder against the mayor of Jaffna, Alfred Duraiappah, by shooting him at point blank range while he was about to enter the Hindu temple at Ponnaalai. The assassination was in response to the 1974 Tamil conference incident, and the Tamil radicals had blamed Alfred Duraiappah, because he backed the then Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) implicated in the violence as well as for allegedly betraying the Tamil nationalist sentiments in the Jaffna peninsula.

In May 5, 1976, the TNT was renamed the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), commonly known as the Tamil Tigers.

Some of these facts are disputed. Contrary to the popular belief, there is a school that believes Alfred Duraiappah was killed by a rival  gang. With nobody to certify, these minor details will now be forever lost.

Prabhakaran’s political origins were closely linked with the splitting up of nation on cultural and linguistic lines in mid 1970s, what was later termed as an ‘ethnic issue’. A radical youth in his early 20s, he was in the ideal position to exploit the increasing gap between Tamil politics and the mainstream. He was more the ‘first among equals’. Uma Maheshvaran, Sabaratnam and even Kuttamani – assassinated by Sinhalese prisoners in the immediate aftermath of 1983 Black July were either his seniors or equals. Instead of condemning, the senior Tamil politicians like Amirthalingam encouraged the growing unrest among youth, certainly to be exploited for their own political objectives. Little did they realize they nurtured a treacherous scorpion, who would one day bite the same hands that fed him. Then it was too late.

Prabhakaran was never guided by any strong political ideology. All he had was shamelessly hijacked SJV Chelvanayakam’s political agenda. His political immaturity never let him change the boundaries of the original map of the mythical Tamil Eelam. It was based on the first colonial segregation of administrative districts (only five then) and included not just present North and East but parts of Puttalum and Polonnaruva districts, where no Tamil inhabitations exist now. Wthere he was too dumb to imagine the majority presenting such a vast geographical area in a plate of silver or that was only a cover for receiving the continuous support of Diaspora Tamils, the younger generations of whom had little idea of the issue is not clear. Now he is dead and gone, we will never know.

Further, Prabhakaran’s mythical state of Tamil Eelam, was a only cut down version of the feudal state Rajapakse is planning to create in South. It was meant to be a monarch, with a royal family and all, not even a twentieth century autocracy. There wouldn’t have been even a trace of modernity. Just like Rajapakse wants to take us few centuries back to the days of King Rajasinghe, Prabhakaran wanted the resurrection of the dynasty of Nallur kings. He certainly wouldn’t have tolerated elections, a parliament or an opposition. Had it ever materialized, it would have been an isolated kingdom, with no Diaspora Tamil ever wanted to return or invest in. In fact, Diaspora Tamils have never tolerated Prabhakaran as their ‘king’ for too long. He was only their instrument against the real or imagined oppression by Sinhalese majority.

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What made Prabhakaran’s larger than life image was his ability to survive for thirty long years against both the Sri Lanka forces and IPKF. Rest of the rebels, including Minister Douglas Devananda laid down their arms and joined mainstream, but not him. In retrospective, Prabhakaran’s survival should not be a surprise. The Government of Sri Lanka never. had a consistent strategy to match his. Successive governments attempted to find an everlasting solution to the ethnic issue, through democratic means rather than focusing their strengths on eliminating Prabhakaran or LTTE, till somebody made it his life mission. Past presidents, three of them from UNP, knew when ethnic issue was solved Prabhakaran would cease to exist. However, none of them, till Ranil Wickremasinghe bravely did, sacrificing his political future at least temporarily, offered a viable solution to the ethnic issue. There was hardly any attempt to win the moderate Tamils. So the opportunity was forever lost with Prabhakaran receiving a walkover. The only Sri Lankan leader who ever politically weakened Prabhakaran was Ranil Wickremasinghe. It is not a surprise he fondled such a grudge against Wickremasinghe.

A myth fondly propagated by the present government is that Mahinda Rajapakse alone defeated LTTE. He didn’t. Jaffna peninsula, the historical stronghold of Tamil rebels was overtaken by security forces in 1996, during Chandrika kumaratunge regime. Killinochchi was only their temporary shelter. LTTE was further weakened during the Ceasefire period as the return to normal life after a long last war made many leave the movement. The restart of economic activities were the main reason for the fast disintegration of the LTTE at the time of the fall of Ranil Wickremasinghe’s government. The security forces, under Mahinda Rajapakse regime hit this already weakened set up. So it is unfair for the current government to disregard the indispensable contributions of the former President Chandrika Kumaratunge and former Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe, in making a job lot easier for them. In the dog-eating-dog world of Sri Lanka politics however, it is too much to expect such a gratitude.

Even a bigger myth is that the ethnic issue will vanish with Prabhakaran. Well, he didn’t create it, so why assume his demise would bring end to the hatred between the two communities? Contrary to what President Rajapakse wants us to believe (in vain), the mistrust between the Sinhalese and Tamils will continue. Tamils will never recognize Rajapakse as their leader. So even though the armed struggle is over temporarily the Herculean task of uniting the nation remains to be a task to be completed by a more capable and wiser leader then the present President.

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Back to Prabhakaran. Did he achieve anything worthwhile for his community? The answer is a big NO. Ethnic (Jaffna) Tamils are worse off than they were in 1970s. More than half of the Tamil population has already left for good. Thousands of Tamil families had to live with eternal grief of losing one or more family members. Ethnic Tamils, the largest minority in Sri Lanka then, has now reduced to the pathetic third place after Muslims and Indian Tamils. Jaffna, the second most advanced city in Sri Lanka, with its famous education system, is now far behind. As a community Tamils, at least the unfortunate ones to still remain, have moved ten or twenty years backward. They were termed as terrorists across the world. North and East have become more and more economically dependent on Colombo. At least for the next few years, till a UNP government implements a political solution, they will be remotely controlled from Colombo. All thanks to Prabhakaran.

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Prabhakaran’s life was a book of mistakes – a manual of how not to do things – but even among them there are three big blunders. First was the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. Whatever the reasons, with this emotional act, he lost the only possible international ally. (Had India been neutral it would not have been so easy to eliminate LTTE) The second was his decision to kill civilians – irrespective of their ethnicity. Even ethnic (Jaffna) Tamils were not spared in these random killings. The southern equivalent of LTTE, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) never killed civilians and had a section of masses supporting them till the end. Majority of the Sinhalese were not racists and till mass civilian killings began in Colombo and Anuradhapura some were even politically sympathetic to their cause. Killing of innocents changed that forever. The third and the biggest mistake was Prabhakaran’s decision to indirectly support Mahinda Rajapakse in the 2005 Presidential election. If not for the LTTE’s boycott Ranil Wickremasinghe could have been the President and could have brought a more humane and ever lasting solution to the ethnic issue. Now that opportunity is lost forever. A political solution is only a dream under the present regime.

Prabhakaran is no more a hero than Hitler or Pol Pot, but he is a legend that will live on. I am sure for centuries to come mothers use his name to scare little children. I am personally happy to see the ‘king maker’ gone. In future people of this country will elect their leaders, not Prabhakaran.

(Edited photographs are from www.defence.lk)

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I Report, You Decide: A Response to Voice in Colombo’s False Allegations

Posted by Ajith on March 13, 2009

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Voice in Colombo, a famous blogger cum a staunch SLFP supporter, misses no opportunity to hit me. I should have expected that. (What else can I expect from an SLFPer? A bouquet of flowers?)

I shouldn’t have taken this seriously, but when things get unpleasant and allegations are false, I need to put the record straight.

First VIC complains I did not publish his comment. This was a false allegation. Actually it surprised me because I have never felt that his comments need to be blocked. (To be fair by him, his responses were decent and to the point. There was no need to block any of them.) I have made a response in his blog saying I have never done so. The moderation, which unfortunately I cannot avoid, is meant for someone else who has become a nuisance by commenting under many different handles distracting the discussion.

Then VIC complains I have changed his identity to ‘Anonymous’. I cannot understand what he thinks I would achieve by doing that. Why do I want to change a commentator’s identity wasting my time during an election campaign?

Anyway, the only way to make the matters clear is to expose my comments page to public. (I was lucky that the two comments concerned were successive)

I would not have exposed anyone’s IP addresses, but I want to make this clear. Please note the two IPs. One is 124.43.213.74. You see VIC’s ID followed by his blog address and email. The other is 203.115.18.147. No ID is given, so WordPress takes the comment as Anonymous.

Think it is self explanatory. As we say in Sinhala it is clear who “stands on his tail’(valge paagagena).

(Please click on the image for a better view.)

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Today’s Special at Hotel De Rajapaksha: Stew made from UNP leftovers

Posted by Ajith on March 3, 2009

Entry of unwanted elements to their file and rank, especially to contest an election is a quandary typically faced by both major political parties. These are often nothing but thugs, usually being escorted with similar armed thugs, and having enough black money to throw. They are big shots in the power game, so even the political parties find difficult to sideline such notorious characters.

Fortunately this time Kurakkan uncle has saved UNP from that trouble. Such a big magnet he was for dirt, that UNP is now spotlessly clean. It was a clean sweep. All murderers, child rapists, those who breached immigration laws and ‘turf accountants’ (better known as bukiyaas) are now in the other side of the fence in UPFA. The UNP lists for all three districts consist nothing but professionals and gentlemen. I am sure UNP lovers specifically and the public generally are delighted.

We wonder why Mervin Silva’s close accomplice ‘Kudu Lal’ was not given the UPFA ticket. He was not too different from the other ‘gentlemen’ in the UPFA list. He was also one of the candidates who spent most lavishly in propaganda work.

The other is ubiquitous Duminda Silva, who has overtaken the entire city with his posters without leaving any room for other UPFA candidates, who might be bluer with jealousy now.

Why we see this poster everywhere? Is this Kurakkan uncle’s way of saying he is so proud to be a friend of Duminda Silva the great? Or he is ready to embrace any son of a …er, revolver as long as the latter has enough black money to hijack an election?

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Here, no waste is allowed; except of course the UPFA candidate’s.

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And finally, the ultimate insult to security forces. Duminda Silva is taking the guard of honour. For what? We hope that has nothing to do with an incident that involves an underage girl.

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For those who still do not know who this fine gentleman is, here is an introduction from his former girl friend Anarkalee Aaraksha.

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Change UNP; Change the Nation

Posted by Ajith on March 1, 2009

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This is not the type of the post I thought I would make. Politicians don’t SWOT analysis their parties on the net. Barack Obama discusses everything under the sun, but not the Democratic Party issues.

Ajith P. Perera too is very much a part of United National Party. So everyone expects Ajith P. Perera to debug the system before opening his mind in public.

On the other hand, what the heck? This is the age of openness. UNP itself stands on the very pillars of democracy and pluralism. It encourages, not suppresses dissent views. Thus I guess a dosage of straight talk does no harm. Not even at a point Ajith P. Perera is standing for public office. (I am waiting for my number to make the big announcement!)

Added to that some readers, most long term supporters of UNP, have raised genuine concerns about the future of UNP. I have an obligation to answer them.

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Is there anything wrong with UNP?

UNP has not shown a creditable performance in a series of recent elections. This will positively change in the forthcoming Western Provincial Council elections, but I will come to that later. For the moment let us only focus on past performance.

It is easy to provide excuses. SLFP shamelessly abuse public resources in its election campaigns; state media offers virtually no space for opposition while private media is threatened to follow suit; some self-concerned UNPers have already crossed the floor to badmouth their former colleagues. The list is endless.

In spite of all that, we cannot solely blame external factors for our poor performance. The genuine UNP supporters like to see the dawn of another JRJ or Premadasa era. When they see we don’t deliver, they feel annoyed. I do not blame them. We are not perfect. We need to find what’s wrong and address.

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Where we have gone wrong?

The opinions vary.

A large section seems to think that UNP should blindly support Kurakkan uncle’s war agenda to earn its popularity. I vehemently disagree.

Firstly, why UNP, the only political party with a clear stance on the ethnic issue follow others’ formulae? UNP fervently opposes terrorism of any kind, but simultaneously believes the long term solution to ethnic issue can only be political. ‘Military solution’ is an oxymoron. War victories by the current regime will only be meaningful if supplemented with corrective measures to age old Tamil grievances. Otherwise, terrorism will soon raise its ugly head behind another acronym. Elimination of JVP in 1971 in a genocidal manner did not prevent Sinhala youth taking arms two decades later. Why should that change for Tamil youth? As long as breeding grounds exist, procreate the mosquitoes.

Secondly, the extended intentions of war agenda are dangerous and damaging to the nation in the long run. The war is not just to eliminate LTTE (if so, UNP finds no problem backing it) but also a long list that includes human rights of the Tamils in North and East; Tamil political parties first and the entire opposition later; any dissent voices including those of journalists and eventually the very foundation of democracy. All what Kurakkan uncle wants it to create Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe type dictatorship and continue the legacy of feudal rulers.

Sorry, No. Whatever the name, UNP has no intention of blindly supporting such a feudal dictatorship. We stand for democracy and not feudalism.

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The policies of United National Party are crystal clear. They remain largely unchanged from the D. S. Senanayake days and will not change in the foreseeable future. Let me repeat in a nutshell and as I understand.

1. Unity and Equality: United National Party, as its name rightly suggests, is the party of united nationalistic political forces. UNP believes in equality. We do not think one’s ethnicity, race, gender, religion or any other attribute should stand in the way him/her enjoying citizens’ rights and privileges. We believe the country belongs to all Sri Lankans, and not to one ethnic or religious group.

2. Devolution of Power: UNP believes in an undivided (Eksath) Lanka; but not necessarily a system that concentrates power in Colombo. We have seen the flaws of such Colombo-centric governance and introduced Provincial Councils as a solution, which SLFP and JVP initially rejected, but now faithfully follow. We believe in devolving power, not only to Tamils in North but to Sinhalese in Hambanthota as well, instead of accumulating it in the hands of dictators. We believe empowering people not only at regional level but every stratum.

3. Economy: We believe in free markets; liberalization and globalization. We do not espouse unrealistic socialist dreams. We trust the private sector for its abilities. We do not equate suppressing the private sector to nation building. Economy has always thrived under previous UNP governments and there is no doubt it will continue to do so under a future UNP government.

4. Poverty Alleviation: Nobody understands the necessity of poverty alleviation than the UNP. We do not think poverty can be eliminated by redistributing public wealth. UNP had once spearheaded the most effective poverty alleviation program in Sri Lanka, under President Premadasa. What we look for is that. Beat poverty by creating more and more employment opportunities. Let poor stand on their own feet.

5. Employment Generation: UNP strongly believes more and more employment opportunities are the only way towards prosperity. It plans to achieve full employment by developing the private sector and not fattening the already overloaded government structure. To stimulate private sector growth UNP will also give utmost importance to infrastructure building. These may not be the highest priorities in populist agendas but we think in long term and not just the next six years.

I guess all UNP lovers should be proud that in spite of the immense pressure that we still stick to our original principles. We have no intention of changing these policies to enter the populist game.

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If not policies, what can be the problem?

As I understand UNP faces serious organizational issues. That happens not just in political parties, but they are more vulnerable. SLFP underwent a similar period when in opposition. It won only 8 seats in 1977 election under the leadership of Sirima Bandaranaike. It could not come out of that misery for 17 long years. However, under the new popular leadership of Chandrika Bandaranaike, it did not take long for SLFP to regain the lost steam.

The poor performance at the recent Provincial Council elections was nothing but a symptom of poor organization. While working in the Eastern and Sabaragamuwa Provinces I have witnessed this firsthand. I visited many areas untouched till then. Given time limitations, even I could not visit so many areas. We surely need more man power. Strong and committed organisaers at ground level was the need of the hour of UNP at the Provincial Council elections. We could have obviously done much better with a stronger organization.

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So, what is the solution?

Fortunately we see the remedial measures are already on the way and an improvement of the situation. Western Provincial Council will be the Waterloo for SLFP. UNP is geared to easily win all three districts. We have a solid unbeatable organization in most areas. The challenge is only to repeat that victory at the next Provincial council elections, to be followed by the General Election.

What UNP seriously need are true leaders who can make that victory happen. Fortunately we see many dynamic leaders emerging from the Western Province. This phenomenon needs to be replicated in the other parts of the country. That needs Change; stating from the Change in the way we act.

Barack Obama could make that Change within a period of one year. What made the ‘One woman race’ to end with a first American-African in White House was his sheer determination and organization. I see the same happening in the UNP now.

We are ready to Change the nation. Before that we need to Change UNP.

Let us start with the Western Province.

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Sri Lanka’s Economic Independence: A Distant Dream?

Posted by Ajith on February 5, 2009

Political independence in 1948 economically meant little to Ceylon. It was more a declined economic opportunity – to be a part of a trade empire on which the sun never set could have been far advantageous. Still independence was no excuse for failure. Not every post WWII-independent Asian nation took the wrong turn. Then most were behind us. Now they have surpassed us not just in GDP terms, but even in human development – what we used to boast about. Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, who once dreamt emulating the Ceylonese economic model, describe why and how we failed, in style.

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The true independence, if anyone cares to celebrate, gained not in 1948, but in 1170 AD – give or take few decades. That was when Parakramabahu the great –the greatest to ever rule us – not only liberated the isle from the mighty Chola Empire but converted it to an economic powerhouse. Contrary to popular belief, agrarian self-sufficiency was not Parakramabahu’s goal. His futuristic strategy was to be the trade hub of South Asia. Indian, Roman, Arab, Javanese and Chinese traders were frequent visitors to Serendib. The twelfth century ‘granary’ of Asia, probably was the equivalent of modern Singapore.

The dark ages that followed the fall of Polonnaruwa kingdom saw less political stability, more power centers, more civil wars and less trade. Arya Chakravarties of Nallur, arguably the most powerful in the interim period were said to have a large naval force, but still no records that business was their forte. Meanwhile in the South it was more a battle among each other.

Like it or not, it was the Portuguese followed by Dutch, who brought the lost glory. Spices suddenly became hot products; cutting a cinnamon plant was punished by death. British, after capturing Kandyan kingdom in 1815, introduced coffee, tea and rubber – the new economic crops. This gave birth to two classes of entrepreneurs – first British but towards the end of nineteenth century, domestic. The transition from feudal to modern economy materialized many dreams – highways and railways, commercial sea ports, administrative system, fixed income jobs, developed corporate sector, postal service, communication system followed by even quality education and proper healthcare. By the middle of the last century Ceylon successfully eradicated a predicament as serious as foreign invasions to ancient rulers: Malaria

Thus strictly speaking, it was not the Europeans who robbed our independence. Rather it was them who brought it back directing us to a new age. Otherwise Seylan could have easily ended up another Burma, Cambodia or Nepal.

Post independence economic reveries were short lived. The Colombo Plan, which aimed to ‘uplift’ neighbours to our own level, is long forgotten. First Central Bank chief John Exter’s objections to subsidies in the middle of rubber-crisis were met with a Hartal to be followed up with the first populist government in 1956. The rest is history.

To cut short, Singapore had Dr Goh Keng Swee and we had Dr. Nanayakkarage Martin Perera. Both were products of London School of Economics – students of legendary Harold Laski and no doubt, brilliant economists. Strangely they acted in ways diametrically opposite. Their footprints were long seen in the respective economies. By mid 1970s Singapore had a first-rate airline and one of the busiest airports. We had kerosene smelling t-shirts, transparent sarongs (aptly named ‘Ganta mark’) and maniocs – to be eaten twice weekly.

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J.R. Jayawardena, sadly the typical scapegoat for every woe, was the one who took us out of that mess. 1978 economic reforms were the beginning of a new era. It made possible almost every economic benefit we enjoy today; banking facilities, garment industry, tourism and information and communication technologies. Post-1978 Economic liberalisation brought more employment opportunities than ever imagined. The impact was so strong that even the SLFP, a political party that traditionally vowed closed statist economic policies, had to embrace open economy in 1994. JVP- the extreme statists hitherto, settled for a hybrid.

Unfortunately, J.R. Jayawardena could not complete the revolution he began – in the backdrop of ethnic tensions and the second JVP insurrection. Reforms in education, power, railway and even agriculture sectors hardly happened. (Interestingly, Dr. Sarath Amunugama, a former finance minister later called four of such sectors as ‘paraassayaas’ or demons, that suck the blood from the national economy) Decision making power, in spite of the 13th amendment, has sacredly maintained at the centre. Enthusiasm in infrastructure building was lost on the way. A sizable fraction of state income has continuously been spent in education and healthcare subsidies. Government grew till it provided job opportunities for every one in sixteen of the population – again, a large section is political henchman. Money printing, at the cost of thumping inflation rates became the norm of the day.

The only break in this vicious system was the two brief years from 2002-3. At least the first year saw a systematic approach in building the economy. We saw Sri Lanka starts shining after a long period of suppression. Then the masses rejected the system – it did not meet their short term goals; government jobs and fertiliser subsidies.

This brings us to the days of ‘national economy’ – whatever it means. Patriotism has many facets. We are back to 1970-77 times, sans queues and barriers. Government takes pride in the number of jobs newly created within, and has absolutely no shame in imposing high taxes (tax on petrol is 189%) and printing money to support war efforts. We believe in isolated economic models that can be ‘plugged out’ from international trade. Protectionism is more a religion. Be Lankan; buy Lankan is the theme of the day. Just like in any sub Saharan African state the opportunities for new ventures are traded under the table. Private sector is looked with suspicion. Bribery remains the best strategy, and centralised now, the process perhaps is less cumbersome. (Just bribe one big man, not five on the way!) The masses are insensitive, as long as they receive their fair share. Money is not the only commodity that makes a mass exodus; brains too do so.

We still cheer for independence and a government that failed to carry out a single economic reform since the day it took office in November 2005.

Is our economic independence a distant dream? You tell me.

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If I get killed tomorrow, will President say “Ajith too was my friend”?

Posted by Ajith on January 31, 2009

I have been silent for a while. There were two reasons. The provincial council elections are around the corner and these days it takes most of my time. Still, that was not the only reason.

For the last few days I have been repeatedly asking from myself: Should I continue this blog? Is it worth the risk? What makes me certain that no black clad men in motorbikes waiting to show their appreciation for what I write here and Face Book?

I am sure I am not the only blogger who had that strange feeling.

Let me not exaggerate my humble efforts. Compared to what mainstream media Sirasa and Sunday Leader/Irudina could do and have actually done, my blog is nothing. I write largely in English and get 500-1,000 daily hits on average. That is still far less than what Defence.lk receives. I do not see anyone perceiving my blog as a barrier to army capturing Mullaithivu. I do not think it breaks SLFP block votes. According to what I hear, or rather I don’t hear, not even 1% of my electorate reads it (this gives me some independence!) So prima facie, me getting killed for what I write here does not even look remotely possible.

Still at the height of the events early January I, or rather my blog, received some limelight. It received more than 2,000 daily hits for a period of about one and half weeks, culminating at 5,700 hits on the day of Lasantha’s funeral. I created two groups in Face Book, for Sirasa and Lasantha and both have now memberships nearly 2,000.

To say the least, this prominence doesn’t necessarily make me comfortable. Certainly not at a time like this.

Me at Lasantha Wickramatunga's funeral

Me with party colleagues at Lasantha Wickramatunga’s funeral

Whoever attacked Sirasa or killed Lasantha Wickramatunga, did not really scare us. We still had enough guts to attend Lasantha’s funeral and openly critisise these horrendous acts. (This was the same adjective Cheevan Daniel used in his famous commentary to CNN) We wore black saatakas.

What really made most of us rethink was the attack on Upali Tennakone.

Upali Tennakone, the soft spoken Rivira Editor, was no Lasantha. Like almost all Sinhala newspaper editors of our times (with the exception of Victor Ivan) Upali was more comfortable in swimming downstream. He always gave few pages, and usually the headlines for war news. He reserved half-page for the girl friends, wives and relatives of armed force members to show their affection to dearly beloveds in North. He did nothing even vaguely irritating the Sinhala Taliban mind. All could have done was a minor mistake, someone somewhere took too seriously.

Upali Tennakone was attacked in the most brutal manner. He was nearly killed, if not for his brave wife who fought and shouted at attract the attention of passers-by. It could be the same gang. Who was behind it still remains a mystery.

Somebody thought Upali Tennakoon’s life could be spared. That much is clear. Will the same people give importance to the lives of other dissidents?

Much changed after this than did in the aftermath of Sirasa and Lasantha incidents. At least ten prominent journalists and media activists ran away for life. Lanka Dissent went off-line promising its readers it would appear the day the country is more civilized. (I am not sure when) Lanka eNews started publishing diluted stuff. Defence Watch, Corruption Watch and Development Watch stopped. Only one protest against the attack happened – attended by few those who covered their faces with masks. Chamil Jayaneththi, the one brave man to show his face was charged.

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Mangala Samaraweera, a former Foreign Minister left the country, fearing for life.

Can an ordinary human being feel safer when an ex-Foreign Minister is scared?

Sadly we live in an era where the life of a human being has lost its value. It is not a surprise. Since it came to power barely three years back, Mahinda Rajapakse government has seen more than 15,000 deaths – one fifth of the total died since 1983 as a result of ethnic war in North and East. Did anyone see the value of these 15,000 lives?

Even at the moment of writing this note, nearly 200,000 civilians, men women, old and young, adults and children are trapped in Wanni, at the mercy of LTTE that prevents their crossing to government controlled areas. I am not talking about LTTE, but about the civilians – like you and me, like our children. How many in our society care for these lives?

Jathika Hela Urumaya, sadly led by few who claim to be ‘Buddhist’ monks see no value of these lives. According to JHU, they are no civilians, but families of LTTE cadre. They should be eliminated perhaps the same was the Yakshas were got rid of at Mahiyangana, 2,500 years ago, according to Mahawamsa.

See the numbers. Will those who do not see the value of 200,000 lives respect just one life?

Under normal circumstances none of us take additional security precautions. We have a feeling that law and order of the society is adequate protection. We know somebody could not just kill and disappear. We know the police will be pressurized by public for action.

These are not ordinary times. We heard the President saying Lasantha Wickramatunaga was his close friend. (Though we never saw the same remorse on his face – as we saw on the day of Anura Bandaranaike’ death. Perhaps he has learnt to restrain emotions since then. Or he was still feeling jubilant of the Kilinochchi victory) If Mangala Samaraweera were killed tomorrow I am sure he too would instantly become president’s friend. President will also remind us Mangala was his campaign manager in the Presidential election of 2005. We know at least the latter is true.

I am sure if I were to be killed tomorrow, President will still say “Ajith was my friend; I am shocked to hear his death” without batting an eye lid. No doubt, everyone likes to be a friend of the omnipotent ruler who rules the land, but it would not be that much fun posthumously.

Should I quit or remain blogging?

Should I try to be President’s friend or remain as plain Ajith P. Perera?

Should one blog even when the Sword of Damocles hanging above one’s head with a single horse hair?

The question is open to you – all my regular readers.

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Are all tax payers who paid for this bridge SLFPers?

Posted by Ajith on January 24, 2009

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Overhead bridge at Nugegoda was opened for traffic yesterday. Note the blue flags in the Lankadeepa photo. Is this a manifestation that this bridge was built from the party funds of Sri Lanka Freedom Party?

You may also remember that the initial colours of UPFA were blue and red. This practice continued even after JVP left – probably to indicate that it was a union of more than one party. Now it looks like we are back to square one. JHU’s saffron and LSSP’s, CP’s and MEP’s red are nowhere to be seen. It is just one leader; one party scenario.

You are forgiven if this builds an image of Stalinistic Soviet Union in your mind.

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